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MORGAN: The will of the Wet’suet’en people must be respected

The activists were holding those workers hostage as food and water could not be brought to the camp. There is no way the RCMP could stand by and let this happen.

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As we see the RCMP clearing out yet another illegal blockade set up by activists on the Coastal Gaslink (CGL) pipeline project, we are witness to the usual misinformation going around about the issue.

Political activists and B-list actors from Hollywood are jumping on the anti-pipeline bandwagon and feeding a false narrative of indigenous people being oppressed in BC’s North.

Below, is a picture of the blockade set up by activists. It was little more than a bulldozed pile of garbage, but it did manage to block access to 500 men and women who were in a CGL work camp up the road. The activists were holding those workers hostage as food and water could not be brought to the camp. There is no way the RCMP could stand by and let this happen.

Let’s clear up some misconceptions right now.

Some media and activists are claiming the blockade was set up by the Wet’suet’en First Nation in the area. This is utter bunk.

While there may indeed be a handful of members from the Wet’suet’en First Nation among the activists at the blockade, the band itself is in full support of the pipeline.

Here is an excerpt from a press release issued by the Wet’suet’en First Nation on November 14th:

“We want to make it absolutely clear that the actions of a few members of Gidimt’en Clan who claimed to evict Coastal GasLink and the RCMP from the headwaters of the Morice River do not represent the collective views of the Clan or of most Wet’suet’en people.”

Not only are the elected authorities within the Wet’suet’en First Nation in support of the line, but all 20 of the other First Nations along the pipeline right of way have also signed on as supporters. CGL did everything correctly. They spent years in consultation with indigenous groups. They struck agreements and formed partnerships with all who may be affected by the pipeline construction.

Should the will of the elected leaders of 20 First Nations be ignored due to the protests of a handful of extremists? Some people seem to think so.

We see many voices on social media vacuously howling: “It’s their land!” as if the protest of a small minority settles the issue.

The CGL line predominantly crosses Crown land. Nobody aside from the government holds any form of deed or title to the land in question. People like to point out the land is “unceded” by the traditional indigenous occupants. This is true, but it doesn’t mean the traditional occupants hold title on it today. Perhaps down the road treaties will be established in that area. For now, we have to work within the rule of law.

Our legislation has developed an expectation that the concerns of the traditional inhabitants of the land must be taken into consideration with any development. First Nations people have a close relationship with the land in question and still make up the majority of the population in the region. No development will ever be approved without striking a broad consensus with the local First Nations. This was done with the CGL project.

The CGL pipeline will be delivering natural gas. There will be no oil moved through the line and the environmental risks presented by it are minimal. It will have less impact upon the local environment than a small road through the area would.

There is nothing that can or should be negotiated with the extremists blocking construction on the line. The activists in opposition to this line are not reasonable and they have no legal ground to stand upon. They want nothing less than the permanent cancellation of this line. That would lead to the shutdown of the multi-billion dollar LNG export facility on the West coast in Kitimat. It’s just not a reasonable demand and there is no middle ground on the matter.

If these extremists are appeased, we may as well shut down the country. This is not hyperbole. The rule of law would mean nothing and no amount of following the rules could lead to getting any sort of project done. Any handful of activists could block anything from a housing development to a farm without consequence.

The pandemic let the government kick this issue down the road in the spring of 2020. The issue is now back with a vengeance and the government has to decisively act on this. The practice of arresting these extremists and then dropping charges later has to stop. These people are putting workers at risk and they are blocking legal enterprise. They need to be charged and convicted with real consequences. Otherwise, they will simply keep coming back and blocking projects as we are seeing today.

The government must take a zero-tolerance stance with these extremists and follow through. They need to defend this project and bust the myths being spread about it. Will Trudeau’s government do this? They have made their opposition to petrochemical development pretty clear. Hopefully, they understand a refusal to act on these protests will have consequences reaching far beyond just the energy industry.

Cory Morgan is the Alberta Political Columnist for the Western Standard and Host of the Cory Morgan Show

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4 Comments

4 Comments

  1. Kelly Carter

    November 22, 2021 at 7:37 pm

    100%

  2. Ben Wilson

    November 22, 2021 at 8:20 am

    The real elected leaders are not part of this terrorism.

    Read the Allen report in Alberta and you will understand this is all funded by foreign money.

    If the court does not charge these people, some how these people should be sued under civil law.

  3. Claudette Leece

    November 22, 2021 at 6:27 am

    Great article, they know most people just read headline and never read the whole thing. Sadly two of those activist are so called journalist, one from the Edmonton Sun. Guess integrity doesn’t matter for journalism anymore. Keep up the good writings.

  4. Dennis

    November 21, 2021 at 10:22 am

    Good article Cory. Maybe CBC and their pals will pick it up and these activists can be arrested, jailed alongside Trudeau and his environment minister in the same cell since they are complicit in this act.

    Ya, I know, wishful thinking, this is after all Canada where the constitution and the rule of law don’t mean shit.

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Opinion

BRADLEY: No Central Bank Digital Currency can stack up to Bitcoin

Why Bitcoin will always be the superior digital currency.

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These days, many countries are considering introducing their own Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs).

The Bank of England recently released a research paper discussing the possibility of creating its own digital currency, saying it has “not yet made a decision on whether to introduce CBDC”.

In July 2021, the Bank of Canada issued a discussion paper called “The Positive Case for a CBDC”, citing it “could be an effective competition policy tool for payments” and “could also support the vibrancy of the digital economy.”

But no country is moving faster on this front than China.

The Central Bank of China has already introduced a digital yuan, which is expected to eliminate physical cash and provide a centralized payment-processing network.

As China continues to expand its CBDC implementation beyond its trial run in some cities, more of its citizens will be forced into using the government’s app to identify themselves, store their wealth and make everyday purchases. That means the Chinese government will be able to track purchases and even freeze or close personal accounts, for whatever reason they see fit.

That is a terrifying prospect – and it highlights one of the many reasons bitcoin will always be superior to any currency issued and controlled by any government.

The Bitcoin network uses blockchain technology to track the status of the network, including user balances and transactions. This allows transparency and decentralization by nature. Perhaps most importantly, this means that the system cannot be controlled or influenced by any one person, company or government.

China’s digital yuan – and any CBDC under consideration – have the complete opposite fundamentals. With a CBDC, one central bank has ultimate control and power over the currency, not to mention the ability to track and even reverse everyday purchases.

It’s a particularly worrisome situation in China, where its government has been pushing a social credit system that, at its core, rewards or punishes people for their economic and personal behaviours. As the country implements its digital yuan more broadly, there are fears China could use its CBDC to extend control over even more of its citizens’ rights and freedoms.

We don’t face that threat in western countries yet, but that’s not to say we are immune from the possibility. If Meta’s recent announcement that it’s shutting down the face recognition system on Facebook is any indication, our society is definitely not keen on being monitored, controlled, or surveilled in any way.

From 2013 to 2017, the U.S. Department of Justice ran Operation Choke Point to monitor and crack down on payments for what the government deemed “high-risk activities”, ranging from online gambling and payday loans to pornography and surveillance equipment sales. These activities were not illegal but they offended the government’s moral compass – a slippery and scary slope.

Most recently, in October 2021 U.S. President Joe Biden and his government backed down from requiring the IRS to collect data on every bank account with more than $600 in annual transactions. 

Infringements like these on our privacy are unacceptable. But the likelihood of them happening will grow exponentially if, and when, western governments introduce their own CBDCs.

Aside from a potential loss of personal freedom and privacy, CBDCs would introduce another undesirable outcome: even greater inflation than we’re experiencing today. Governments, including our own here in Canada, are printing money faster than ever, which simultaneously drives inflation and devalues personal wealth.

As Saifedean Ammous writes in his fantastic book, The Fiat Standard: The Debt Slavery Alternative to Human Civilization, “CBDCs would allow for the implementation of…inflationist schemes with high efficiency, allowing for increased central planning of market activity. Government spending would proceed unabated by whatever little discipline credit markets currently exert. Real-world prices are likely to rise, which would lead to more control over economic production to mandate prices.”

To sum this up, CBDCs could lead to higher inflation, less personal autonomy, and more government meddling. For those reasons, whenever I’m asked if the introduction of CBDCs will kill bitcoin and its relevance, my answer is a resounding, “No.”

Central bank digital currencies are not the same thing as bitcoin. They aren’t even competitors with bitcoin, nor will they ever replace bitcoin. They are a distraction. In my opinion, CBDCs will only create greater demand for bitcoin and its many advantages.

Bitcoin offers individuals the profound ability to own sound money, protect their wealth from inflation and keep governments from micro-managing their finances. That is certainly not what CBDCs will do, and it’s why we should all be very apprehensive about giving central banks the ability to issue, oversee and control digital currencies.

No CBDC can, or ever will, stack up to bitcoin.

Guest Column from Dave Bradley, Chief Revenue Officer at Bitcoin Well
@bitcoinbrains on Twitter

Sponsored by Bitcoin Well

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Opinion

ROYER: Canada ignores Alberta. Because it can

The only conclusion is that Canada is not a functioning, modern federal democracy. It caters almost exclusively to the needs of the two primary provinces.

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Crickets. That is the sound of Canada’s response to Alberta’s request to consider revisions to the equalization program over a month ago. What does the deafening silence say about Canada?

Trudeau brushed off the referendum saying that he couldn’t unilaterally address the issue, although he clearly can. His government has several bilateral agreements with provinces other than Alberta.  He can agree to change the equalization formula to drain less wealth from Alberta and Saskatchewan in the first place.

The federal Conservative Party’s silence is due to their leader Erin O’Toole’s decision to pander to Ontario and Quebec, taking the West for granted.

The silence has made one thing absolutely clear: Alberta has no voice in Canada. Voting against the Liberals hasn’t worked. Voting in a couple of Liberal MPs hasn’t helped. Relying on protection provincial sovereignty under the constitution has proven to be useless; Trudeau’s government intercedes into those defined powers with impunity.

All that remains is to look at the big picture. Alberta had no democratic input into decisions that dramatically diminished its economy. Wealth continues to be drained from the province and it has no means to stop it. A referendum — the ultimate expression of democratic rights — is ignored. What does this make Canada?

First, it clearly is not a modern democratic nation. Modern democracies give voice to minorities and seek compromise.

We do not have a federal government. There is no structural input from the far reaches of the country in the nation’s decision-making process. It is a central government, serving only the centre.

We are not really a federation either. Rights of the lesser provinces are extinguished at the whim of the central government. Those intrusions are dutifully upheld by the Supreme Court, an institution with a majority of judges from central Canada. The Senate is completely ineffective in protecting the federation. It over-represents Quebec and Atlantic Canada, is appointed at the sole discretion of the prime minister and has very limited powers to disagree with him. Alberta’s attempt to introduce democracy into the selection of Senators has been ignored by the prime minister.

Power is extremely concentrated. Trudeau’s emissions cap on hydrocarbon production is just the most recent example. No discussion with Parliament or the provinces was taken; he just made the decision with his personal staff, and announced it

He has this power because hyper-partisanship, strict party discipline and the overly centralized government concentrates power. We’ve abandoned our historic Westminster Parliamentary system of government and taken on an American style constitutional system with judicial supremacy, but with an all-powerful prime minister that lacks the checks-and-balances placed upon an American president.

The only respectful response to Alberta came from Saskatchewan’s Premier Scott Moe. He called for his province to become a nation within a nation, a status effectively granted Quebec. Neither the federal structure nor the national parliament protect the outlying provinces. They now need to gain near national powers in order to protect themselves from the central government.

The only conclusion is Canada is not a functioning, modern federal democracy. It caters almost exclusively to the needs of the two primary provinces: Ontario and Quebec. The concentration of power and the malleability of federal sovereignties has makes the prime minister effectively an elected dictator. The only check on the prime minister’s power is in an occasional national election, the results of which are determined almost entirely in Ontario and Quebec.

So, what is Canada? It is a country in which the central provinces in conjunction with the central government have dominion over the outlying provinces, and those central provinces elect a prime minister who is given near royal prerogative.

Our country is called (at least officially) the Dominion of Canada, a constitutional monarchy. By the word dominion are we saying that the centre has dominion over the rest of the country? And does constitutional democracy say that the constitution concentrates power into the hands of a single person?

We can do better.

Randy Royer is a Western Standard columnist

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Energy

VENKATACHALAM & KAPLAN: Oil and gas production is essential to BC’s economy

Here’s another slice of statistical bread to consider: In 2017 the BC oil and gas industry purchased $5.6 billion worth of goods and services from other sectors.

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Guest column by Ven Venkatachalam and Lennie Kaplan of the Canadian Energy Centre

British Columbia has been producing oil and natural gas since 1952. In fact, as of 2018, BC produced 32% of Canada’s natural gas production and 2% of Canada’s conventional daily oil production. British Columbia collects royalties from oil and gas development, supporting the economic prosperity in the province.

Want to know how important the oil and natural gas industry is to the BC economy? Using customized Statistic Canada data from 2017 (the latest year available for this comparison), it turns out oil and gas in BC  generated about $18 billion in outputs, consisting primarily of the value of goods and services produced, as well as a GDP of $9.5 billion.

As for what most of us can relate to — jobs — the BC oil and gas industry was responsible for nearly 26,500 direct jobs and more than 36,100 indirect jobs (62,602 jobs in total) in 2017. Also relevant: The oil and gas sector paid out over $3.1 billion in wages and salaries to BC workers that year.

Here’s another slice of statistical bread to consider: In 2017 the BC oil and gas industry purchased $5.6 billion worth of goods and services from other sectors. That included $600 million from the finance and insurance sector, $770 million in professional services, and $2.8 billion from the manufacturing sector, to name just three examples.

Spending by the oil and gas sector in BC is not the only way to consider the impact of the industry. Given that a large chunk of the oil and gas sector is next door in Alberta, let’s look at what Alberta’s trade relationship with its westerly neighbour does for BC.

BC’s interprovincial trade in total with all provinces in 2017 amounted to $39.4 billion. Alberta was responsible for the largest amount at $15.4 billion, or about 38%, of that trade.

That share of BC’s trade exports is remarkable, given that Alberta’s share of Canada’s population was just 11.5 percent in 2017. Alberta consumers, businesses and governments buy far more from BC in goods and services than its population as a share of Canada would suggest would be the case. Alberta’s capital-intensive, high-wage-paying oil and gas sector is a major reason why.

If Alberta were a country, the province’s $15.4 billion in trade with BC would come in behind only the United States (about $22.3 billion in purchases of goods and services from BC) in 2017. In fact, Alberta’s importance to B.C. exports was ranked far ahead of China ($6.9 billion), Japan ($4.5 billion), and South Korea ($2.9 billion)—the next biggest destinations for BC’s trade exports.

BC has a natural advantage for market access in some respects when compared to the United States. For instance, BC’s coast is near to many Asian-Pacific markets than are U.S. Gulf Coast facilities. The distance between the U.S. Gulf Coast and to the Japanese ports of Himeji and Sodegaura is more than 9,000 nautical miles, compared to less than 4,200 nautical miles between those two Japanese ports and the coast of BC.

The recent demand for natural gas in Asia, especially Japan (the largest importer of LNG) and price increase for natural gas, presents an exciting opportunity for BC oil and gas industry. The IEA predicts that by 2024 , natural gas demand forecast in Asia will be up 7% from 2019’s pre-COVID-19  levels. 

Be it in employment, salaries and wages paid, GDP, or the purchase of goods and services, the impact of oil and natural gas (and Alberta) on BC’s economy and trade flows is significant.

Guest column by Ven Venkatachalam and Lennie Kaplan are with the Canadian Energy Centre

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