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NAVARRO-GENIE: Trudeau’s small gestures speak louder than his great deeds

Since the 2015 election campaign, Justin Trudeau said he placed his relationship with Indigenous Canadians above all others.




The age-old expression that “actions speak louder than words” conveys an important insight: character is best judged through action. Anyone can say or promise anything but doing so requires ability and skill, discipline and commitment. So, the simplest test of character is to pay attention to deeds. 

Plutarch, the first century Greek biographer, refined the test. He advised that simple gestures, often private gestures, reveal far more about a leader’s character than his great speeches, political accomplishments or actions in battle. Plutarch’s insight speaks to the contrived nature of political activity. In public life, symbols and events are arranged for the sake of appearance. That is why unrehearsed, small gestures speak louder than great deeds, Plutarch would say.

The distinction mattered to the ancients. They believed the essence of a person matters more than her appearance. Grasping a person’s character despite crafted appearances was crucial, and it mattered most in political life. In public life, it meant developing the ability to evaluate character to determine the best possible person to govern.

All of which brings us to our prime minister. Since the 2015 election campaign, Justin Trudeau said he placed his relationship with Indigenous Canadians above all others. He promised to hear their voices. He promised them greater representation. He promised them clean drinking water. He promised them truth, and he promised them reconciliation.

Along with the promises, there has been no shortage of symbolic action. He says he is remorseful for the treatment of indigenous people in residential schools. He appointed the first indigenous governor general. He chose the first indigenous attorney general (and he fired the first indigenous attorney general). He declared a national holiday to honour Truth and Reconciliation. He visited and cried with former residential school students and their relatives. Many see these as big political accomplishments.

Conversely, some of his less grandiose actions point in a different direction.

On the first ever Truth and Reconciliation Day honouring indigenous victims of institutional abuse — a sombre occasion by any standard — Trudeau took off to the beach and ignored invitations to attend Indigenous ceremonies in Kamloops, BC.

Two things stand out from the beach vacation. First, the prime minister’s office launched a holiday with “truth” in the name with a lie: The PMO covered up the beach excursion, saying the PM was in Ottawa for “private meetings.” Hiding the beach vacation shows some awareness of the political sin.

Second, the holiday Trudeau created called on Canadians to reflect seriously on the relationship with their indigenous brothers and sisters. But outside Normandy, beaches hardly ever convey mourning or contrition. Trudeau defended the triviality his vacationing choice assigned to the day by saying that he had made phone calls, made more apologies, given indigenous people the holiday and cried with them. Being minutes away from Kamloops on his way to Tofino, he still chose to fly over them, rather than accept their invitations. He had already given them his best performance, tears and all.

Consider an earlier, unrehearsed situation involving indigenous Canadians. In front of a gaggle of wealthy Torontonians in March of 2019, Trudeau mocked indigenous women for daring to ask in protest about the mercury poisoning of water in their Grassy Narrows community. Shooting from the hip, his unscripted reply was: “Thank you for your donation tonight, I really appreciate it.” His sarcastic gratitude referred to the $1,500 per person the protestors paid to attend the posh fundraising gathering in the benefit of his Liberal Party. The footage shows the party faithful loudly cheering the prime minister’s wit as the security detail whisked away the women. Seconds later, a male voice cried out to Trudeau: “if it was your family waiting for 500 days, if your family was suffering from mercury poisoning, what would you do?” He too was spirited away, silenced, as the PM repeated his thank-you.

These two unrehearsed and seemingly minor situations stand in contrast to Trudeau’s scripted words and symbolic actions. They show a face (not a black one) of the Justin Trudeau that Judy Wilson-Raybould would easily recognize.

The prime minister may be using indigenous Canadians as human props to get their votes, and the votes of Canadians for whom better treatment of indigenous people is important. I ignore what lies in the PM’s heart. But for all the grand pronouncements, it is up to indigenous and other Canadians of good will to ask themselves whether indigenous Canadians are better off today than they were before 2015. It is up to them to put the prime minister to Plutarch’s test.

Marco Navarro-Genie is presidents of the Haultain Research Institute and a senior fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. He is co-author, with Barry Cooper, of COVID-19: The Politics of a Pandemic Moral Panic (2020).

Marco Navarro-Génie is a Columnist for the Western Standard. He is President of the Haultain Research Institute and a Senior Fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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  1. Dave Symington

    October 12, 2021 at 9:22 am

    Who ever voted for this idiot! Must be happy with his bad behaviour. The world’s opinion on Canadians will not improve until Trudeau is out power or locked up.

  2. David

    October 12, 2021 at 8:06 am

    Justine has performed no great deeds. His actions have been more reminiscent of a national socialist death camp guard, the kind that told inmates, “everything will be fine if you just line up nicely for the showers”.

  3. Tony

    October 11, 2021 at 3:16 pm

    All true. The worst part of the whole charade is when Justin’s hypocrisy is exposed, be it obnoxious costumes/make up or ill-timed vacations, he will deflect personal blame and exhort us all to improve our attitudes with a remark such as “we all have to do better”. When his indiscretions reveal just how disingenuous he truly is, he tries to collectivize the blame.

  4. Mars Hill

    October 10, 2021 at 5:15 pm

    Article below expands on what Marco presents.

  5. Bryan

    October 10, 2021 at 3:15 pm

    I see a MAJOR spelling mistake in this article. Instead of ‘Great Deeds”, it should read “Grate Deeds”.

    EVERYTHING the Prime Mistake does, ‘GRATES’ on anyone with common sense!

  6. Andrew Red Deer

    October 10, 2021 at 12:05 pm

    What “GREAT DEEDS”? I have not seen anything that qualifies so far. WS where are you getting these writers?

  7. Left Coast

    October 10, 2021 at 10:55 am

    My expectations of the Unqualified, Inept & Clueless Justin Trudope were very Low . . . and I can say that he has Far Surpassed even my Expectations.

    And I am not only referring to his actions with regard to Canada’s Massive Welfare Plantation called the Indian Act. If you substituted any other ethnic identifiable group . . . who would think this was anything but Insane?

    Stewing today about Residential Schools of over 100+ years ago, which likely saved 1000s of lives for every 1 that may have been abused. No one mentions the squalor, disease and short lifespans on reserves in that same period. The Fraud media just spins the narrative!

    Preserving “Culture” is not the job of the Govt., long past time all this nonsense ended, and the “Children” grew up!

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LANDAU: Ontario Human Rights Commission seeks to pre-ban ‘offensive’ statues and street names

We should be alarmed at how some human rights bodies have strayed into the weeds in recent years, not driven by their mandates, but swayed by prevailing and contemporary political sentiments.




The Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) has announced it is in the process of developing “a new policy statement on the discriminatory display of names, words and images, and wants to hear from the public about this quickly-evolving issue.”

The OHRC is contemplating the expansion of “human rights” violations to include such names as “Sir John A. Macdonald,” “Sir Egerton Ryerson,” for example, because these names might offend or trigger some people. Controversy around these historical figures from two centuries ago is ironically “quickly evolving.”

I’ve re-read all 30 articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) – drafted by McGill Law Professor John Peters Humphrey in 1948 — upon which most human rights commissions are founded. There is no human right for protection against being offended. If there was, rappers like Cardi B — or almost any rappers for that matter — wouldn’t have careers. Should freedom of speech and expression now be trumped by someone’s hurt feelings?  We agree tyrants need not be honoured, but do we need to go full-Jacobin and expurgate any evidence our offending founders and culture existed?

With this attempt by the OHRC to institutionalize “right thinking,” we are squarely in an era of revisionism. Is someone being “disturbed” by a team name or place or historical fact — in and of itself — proof of anything? In fact, what is the burden of proof? If human rights challenges will now be decided by what offends people, will we return to removing D.H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover and Arthur Miller’s Tropic of Cancer from all public view?

We should be alarmed at how some human rights bodies — not driven by their mandates, but swayed by prevailing and contemporary political sentiments — have strayed into the weeds in recent years. The OHRC is thrashing about seeking a purpose. It’s a classic case of organizational mandate creep.

Literature students have long known technical and stylistic brilliance are not always accompanied by opinions we respect. Poet Ezra Pound was an admirer of fascists. Talented writers Yevgeny Yevtushenko and Bertolt Brecht were mouthpieces for totalitarian communism. Wunderkind record producer Phil Spector was a convicted murderer and wife beater. The personal lives of Woody Allen, Roman Polanski, and Pablo Picasso offend many, for good reason. Even such historic luminaries as Winston Churchill, Mohandas K. Gandhi, biblical King David all had spotty records as paragons of virtue. Do we cancel them all?

You can’t whitewash or cleanse history. There are going to be streets and buildings and institutions named after people whose behaviour and opinions may offend some among us. Censuring their mention is not how you defend or advance human rights.

Meddling human rights commissions have become the land of groupthink. Tearing down statues and changing street names is no answer. We cannot replace the ‘N-word’ with the word “slave.” In fact, we need that word as a record, in the mouths of haters, and in the history books to remember its dehumanizing intention. 

The answer may be to erect more statues and name public places after others.  Until September 2021, there was no US statue of Nat Turner, the brave leader of the first slave uprising. How about more statues of Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois, or the three brave women on whom the film Hidden Figures was based? Why not celebrate with more projects like the Crazy Horse Monument in South Dakota? Or Windsor Ontario’s joint monument to War of 1812 leaders Tecumseh and Brock. Manitoba is considering a monument to Chief Peguis. In a Saskatoon park, Métis hero Gabriel Dumont is honoured.

Forget censorship. This is how you honour and reflect history accurately.

Landau is a contributor to the Western Standard

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SLOBODIAN: The insansity of families being asked to care for seniors in Manitoba LTC

Clean? What does that mean? Clean their rooms? Clean them? Surely, these seniors wouldn’t be stripped of dignity having family members give them the widely practiced standard one — yes only one — bath per week. 




Planning to ensure there’ll be enough staff on shift at the lodge to help grandma dress in the morning or dip her dentures in Polident for a night-time soak seems kind of important.

It’s not like Monday’s mandatory COVID-19 vaccination and testing deadline for frontline workers in Manitoba arrives as a colossal shock.

Yet two Manitoba personal care homes seem to have suddenly realized a staff shortage, created by employees exercising their right to opt-out of the requirements, might occur. How many? They probably know by now but claim they’re not quite sure.

They scrambled to alert family members of a worst-case scenario contingency plan to care for their elderly loved ones. 

It’s them. Family members are the contingency plan. They’ll likely be called upon to step up this week and do the work they’re paying the province to do. 

Family members only found this out in a letter sent October 13.

Cleaning grandma’s teeth — be it brushing or soaking — would hardly be the only caregiving task at Salem Home in Winkler and Taber Home in Morden. Volunteers will be asked to pitch in to do laundry, plan entertainment activities, feed, dress and clean residents.

Clean? What does that mean? Clean their rooms? Clean them? Surely, these seniors wouldn’t be stripped of dignity having family members give them the widely practiced standard one — yes only one — bath per week. 

The alternative to volunteering at the facilities? Family might be asked to take seniors off the home’s hands.

“If we do not have staff, we may have to go one step further and ask that you would take your loved one home to look after them,” says the letter.

Public health orders dictate that as of October 18 unvaccinated staff are required to have a negative COVID-19 test result 48 hours prior to each shift. Officials are concerned some workers will refuse the test.

Salem Home, in the Southern Health Region, is in an area with the province’s lowest vaccination rates. The health districts of Winkler and nearby Stanley have rates of almost 43% and 25% respectively.

The region, under more restrictions than elsewhere in the province, claims to have a high number of COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations. Last month there was a COVID-19 “outbreak” at Salem — two residents tested positive — and isolation was mandated even though vaccinated visitors were allowed in.

Despite all this, health officials think the solution to staff shortages is a parade of volunteers — even vaccinated volunteers pose a risk — traipsing in. 

Or, as an alternative, shove vulnerable residents out into the community.

That’s insanity.

Manitoba’s Health Minister Audrey Gordon couldn’t provide the number of unvaccinated health care workers. She met with health representatives in the region Friday to discuss other contingency plans.

Think about that. Friday. How long has this mandated vaccination deadline been anticipated?

Seniors shouldn’t be an afterthought.

Deploying staff on standby from elsewhere is one Hail Mary someone pitched. From where exactly? These two homes won’t be the only ones left short-staffed. 

To be fair, Gordon was left with the train wreck that unfolded under the watch of the previous health minister Heather Stefanson, who bailed to run for leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party of Manitoba. The vote is October 30.

But back to what is being asked of families.

They have placed fragile senior family members in homes to be cared for by trained professionals. Care and accommodation are not free. They pay for it. Handsomely.

Many of these family members are seniors themselves, also fragile and struggling with health issues. 

What stress that ridiculous letter must place on many of them.

And what about family members who threw dad or Uncle Bob in a home and forget to visit? Oh sure, they’ll get right on that volunteer gig.

One certainly feels sympathy for health care workers in senior’s facilities who will carry extra workloads on top of already heavy workloads. These facilities are rarely adequately staffed.

One almost feels sympathy for health officials who have been at the mercy of, and struggling though, provincial planning that has proven erratic and abysmal.

Until then one of them proposes this as a contingency plan…

“We’re looking at things as simple as our menus and ramping down some of our menus, so they are easier recipes to produce,” Jane Curtis, CEO of the Southern Regional Health Authority, told CTV News.

What exactly does that mean? Mealtime is one of few highlights in the day at the lodge. Residents don’t like change. 

Don’t mess with their meals. Get in there and cook them yourself if you must!

Seniors deserve the best. The best! Yet it seems their care might be a casualty in this COVID-19 mess the province created.

Is it because they are the last to complain? Or are so fragile, they can’t?

Slobodian is the Senior Manitoba Columnist for the Western Standard

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WAGNER: Isabel Paterson – Alberta’s link to the founding of libertarianism

It’s possible — even likely — that her political views took shape while she lived here.




Three women are often credited with laying the foundations for the modern libertarian movement: the well-known philosopher and author Ayn Rand, Rose Wilder Lane — daughter of Laura Ingalls of Little House on the Prairie fame — and Isabel Paterson, the author of the book The God of the Machine, one of the founding texts of libertarianism.

What is notable from an Alberta perspective is Isabel Paterson — although born in Ontario — was raised in southern Alberta. She is a powerful Alberta link to the origin of libertarianism.

Paterson’s The God of the Machine was republished by Transaction Publishers in 1993, and it contains a new introduction by Stephen Cox, a literature professor at the University of California, San Diego. Cox’s introduction provides a brief biography of Paterson that highlights her contribution to the modern libertarian and conservative movements.

Paterson was born Isabel Bowler on Manitoulin Island in Ontario in 1886. While still very young, her family moved to southern Alberta where she grew up on a cattle ranch. In her late teens, she moved to Calgary where she worked at various odd jobs and eventually became a secretary for lawyer R. B. Bennett who would later become prime minister of Canada. Bennett saw potential in Bowler and offered to have her article as a law student in his office, but she declined.

She married Kenneth Birrell Paterson in Calgary in 1910. It was a short-lived marriage, but she nevertheless kept his surname. During the 1910s she moved a number of times to different cities, mostly in the United States, writing for a number of periodicals. She also began to write novels. Her first, The Shadow Riders, appeared in 1916. The story is set in Alberta and involves intrigue between businessmen and government.

Paterson became the literary editor for the New York Herald Tribune in 1924 and remained there until 1949 when she was fired due to her political views. The Herald Tribune was a prestigious periodical with a national circulation, and due to her position there, Paterson became a well-known and influential writer.

It was during this period that she became friends with Ayn Rand, who Cox describes as Paterson’s “protégé.” Indeed, Cox writes that Paterson “exerted a substantial effect on the individualist philosophy that Rand was evolving; no one else, certainly, had so great an influence on it as Paterson.”

When Rand wrote The Fountainhead, a work of philosophical fiction, Paterson used her column to promote it. Eventually, however, Paterson and Rand fell out. As William F. Buckley later remarked, “Paterson fought over principles; and she had a lot of principles to fight over.”

Paterson’s greatest work, The God of the Machine, was published in 1943. Cox writes that it emphasizes two principles: “an ethical and economic individualism based on the concept of inherent rights, including property rights; and the institutional complement of individualism, limited government.”

Cox further explains that the “individual’s right, in Paterson’s terms, is the right to be left alone, to develop in his or her own way; government should act to protect this right, not to pursue its own schemes of social betterment.” That’s a message that needs to be heard again.

Unlike a great many other journalists of her time, Paterson was not enthralled by the Soviet Union. While many viewed communism as the wave of the future, she wanted people to know that the communists were using starvation and slavery to advance their self-proclaimed  “humanitarian” goals.

As Cox notes, Paterson rightly believed that the “real danger to liberty and prosperity is intellectual, not military.” For this reason, K-12 education is a key battleground for the future, and Paterson forcefully opposed public (i.e., government) schooling which she considered to be “a system of state compulsion.”

In the end, The God of the Machine “made a significant contribution to a significant group of people, an isolated band of intellectuals, far outside the mainstream, who were seeking alternatives to collectivist ideals.”

Albert Jay Nock, one of the best-known early twentieth century individualists, stated The God of the Machine and Rose Wilder Lane’s The Discovery of Freedom (also published in 1943), were “the only intelligible books on the philosophy of individualism that have been written in America this century.”

When William F. Buckley founded National Review in 1955 — the flagship magazine of modern conservatism — he eagerly pursued Paterson to write for it. She did for a few years before falling out with Buckley.

The point, though, is that one of the founding intellectuals of the libertarian and conservative movements grew up in Alberta. It’s possible — even likely — her political views took shape while she lived here. No doubt her philosophy would still find wide appeal with many people in the province, especially readers of the Western Standard. Perhaps a new generation of Albertans will read The God of the Machine and benefit from its advocacy for individualism and limited government.

Wagner is a Western Standard columnist

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