Editors Note: The following guest column is an open letter from Vince Byfield
Dear Premier Kenney,
A recent Alberta poll showed the NDP tied for support with your UCP at 38 per cent, and the remaining 24 per cent broken into a variety of smaller parties, several of them sovereigntist. It appears from this poll that your unification of the right is unravelling, with some Albertans now turning to independence, and some to socialism.
The fault of this splintering of the right falls squarely on your shoulders, and your refusal to explore and explain to Albertans all of the political options available to them.
Instead, your decision to schedule a non-binding referendum on equalization two-and-a-half years after your election just isn’t good enough. You’re moving too slowly, sir. You have to do more, and you have to do it now. That’s what you were elected to do, and with each passing week you are wasting your mandate. Your base is now abandoning you, and you risk re-electing the NDP. Your foot-dragging carries the very real risk of Alberta falling into a socialist oblivion from which it may never recover.
All because you are not doing the right thing for Albertans. Clinging to a confederation that is so unbalanced, so unstable that it has to rob Albertans en masse to bribe Quebecers to stay in Canada is madness. And yet this, Premier Kenney, is precisely what you are perpetuating with your procrastination. Wasting precious time like this effectively buries our children and grandchildren with $200 million more crippling debt every single week.
Enough is enough. This must to stop. By continuing to do nothing constructive to correct Alberta’s biggest grievance, conservative Albertans are left with no choice but to chart a future with someone who will.
As I see it, Albertans have three options: one, remain in confederation; two, become an independent nation; or three, become Americans. Yet of those three options you support the first, dismiss the second, and ignore the third. Why is that? Why do you appear to be going to great lengths to hide the third option from Albertans?
We have tried and failed with option one. We have been a part of confederation for 115 years. There are clear inequalities which we have endeavored earnestly for decades to repair. Time and time again, the rest of Canada has rejected us. Now they don’t even bother to respond. It’s clear to any Albertan with any semblance of common sense that further attempts to work within option one is futile and hopeless. Ottawa politicians are tired of listening to useless whining, and quite frankly, so are Albertans.
Option two is by no means the cure all. Becoming an independent nation of four million souls surrounds us with one nation ten-times our size (the rest of Canada, now angry at our departure) and the other a hundred-times our size (the United States, now self-sufficient in oil and protectionist). History shows us how large nations typically treat much smaller ones, and it is not pretty. Yet, in spite of this dismal future, many Albertans are now so mad about Canada that they see independence as their only recourse. They believe this because their leaders – like you – are not informing them of the third option.
You promised transparency in your government, but then you choose to black out 134 pages – or 90 per cent – of the Fair Deal Panel’s documentation. The idea of conducting a public inquiry and then refusing to let the public see what it found is confusing a great many of your supporters. It is clear you are hiding something. What are you so desperately trying to keep away from Albertans? Why was the third option not even discussed?
When Albertans carefully consider all three options – when the fog of anti-American rhetoric is given time to clear – becoming part of the United States stands out as the only really sensible solution.
Here is the roadmap to Alberta statehood as I understand it. First, we must hold a referendum on independence. The United States cannot recognize or negotiate with Alberta until we sever ties with Canada by having the majority of Albertans vote in favour of independence from Canada. This referendum essentially serves as a declaration of independence.
The biggest benefit of a successful independence referendum is that it effectively serves notice to Ottawa that the equalization and other transfers are over. The Canadian government and its revenue agency would no longer have any standing on Alberta soil. Albertans will file their income taxes – all of their income taxes – with the new national Alberta government. Along with the end of equalization payments the begging to Ottawa will no longer be necessary.
Once we declare ourselves independent, Albertans are well advised to schedule a second referendum swiftly to determine how many Albertans would then want to become a part of the United States of America. If passed, Alberta would then formally apply to be admitted as a territory or protectorate of the United States.
This is not a new path. It has essentially been followed in the vast majority of cases since the first 13 colonies declared independence and formed the United States of America. Other than the original 13 Colonies, most states that joined the union were first unincorporated US territories. We would be following in the footsteps of what would later grow, prosper, and become powerful states in their own right, like California.
Alternatively, Alberta could follow the path of Texas, which was admitted directly to full statehood quickly after declaring its independence from Mexico.
Being a territory or protectorate of the United States is not the same as being a state. Statehood would be an option at a later time and would require a third referendum by Albertans. However, US territorial status gives Albertans at least three very important benefits right away.
First, instant US citizenship to every Albertan and the freedom to travel, work and trade anywhere in that great nation. Furthermore, Americans are free to travel and, more importantly, invest in Alberta. This means badly needed jobs will return. Business will be able to thrive. Albertans will be able to enjoy real freedom and real prosperity once more.
Second, immediate US military protection. When the most powerful nation on the planet vows to defend Alberta, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau knows that sending Canadian soldiers onto Alberta soil would be impossible. Therefore, US territorial status assures a peaceful resolution for Albertans whatever they decide to do next.
Third, freedom to leave the United States at a later date. Being a US territory – and not a state — means Albertans are not obligated to remain a part of the United States. Albertans would be given the freedom and time to heal and consider the future that is best for ourselves.
As a US territory, we even have the freedom to return to Canadian confederation, should Albertans decide to forgive Ottawa and Quebec for their swindles of the past 115 years.
Critically, Alberta would have the right to negotiate the terms of entering the American union. This contrasts with Alberta’s entry into confederation in 1905, which was unilaterally dictated by Ottawa without any negotiation or consultation.
We may also decide to remain as a US territory. This gives us all the freedoms and benefits described above, but US territorial status does have one important price: no political representation in Congress. As a territory, we may not be able to elect Alberta senators or Albertans to the House of Representatives, but we will be able to vote for the next president. This means that Alberta’s liberals and socialists will be free to vote for the Democrats, and conservatives for the Republicans.
Most importantly, as a US territory – and no longer crippled by Quebec’s multi-billion-dollar ransom payments – Albertans would be able to focus on what we do best: working hard and prospering.
Premier Kenney, you still have time, but not much. I propose you schedule a referendum on our independence to be held no later than Alberta Day, August 3, 2021. If you do this, I predict that your base will return – their confidence in you restored – and the nightmarish possibility of another NDP Alberta reign of error banished to the realm of socialist dreams.
Failure to follow through on this proposal puts your supporters in a difficult situation. Failure to show real leadership for Albertans means we have little choice but to find a real leader with the guts to do the job. Are you that leader? I hope and pray your answer is yes, but am prepared to act if you are not.
Please accord Albertans the courtesy of a response and your reasons. If those reasons are examined and found wanting, be assured that conservative Albertans will not sit idly by while you continue to wreck our province. We will act.
Jason, no one would regard your position as enviable. Your love of Canada is without question. We all love Canada. But when put to the test, when forced to choose between Canada and the calculated destruction of Alberta, the needs of Albertans must be your highest priority.
Vincent Byfield is manager of SEARCH, publisher of the 12-volume history series “The Christians: Their First Two Thousand Years” and other history books. Since 1973 Vince has worked with his father, Ted Byfield, to publish Alberta Report Newsmagazine and his brother, Link Byfield, who was elected in 2004 as an independent senator-in-waiting for Alberta.
GIEDE: Why are Canada’s Conservative leaders so terrible?
“We conservatives are in dire straights if the most we can do is ape our opposition, and badly to boot.”
Why does every Conservative leadership winner go on to be a colossal disappointment?
While most of us are still reeling from Erin O’Toole’s announcement last week of his carbon tax that “isn’t a carbon tax”, all I can feel is a sense of deep disenchantment. Like many social conservatives, I marked O’Toole as my second choice on the ballot, after Derek Sloan. I even wrote a column at my old digs telling others to do the same.
With the announcement of a carbon tax that goes into an O’Toole Petro Points rewards program, I find myself in the same position as people 30 years my senior, who recall scraping Mulroney’s stickers off their bumpers after the 1988 election. Was there ever any hope at all? Did O’Toole just get some bad advice? Or were we lied to the entire time?
Those of us who consider themselves loyal conservatives, feel a deep sense of personal betrayal.
But maybe we true believers need to open our eyes. The empirical evidence is there for all to see: centre-right parties in Canada and their leaders have not been the disruptors we elect them to be. If one looks to the past or to the present, most Canadian “conservatives” are just Liberals driving the speed limit.
Stephen Harper just finished addressing the rebranded Manning conference as a guest speaker, along with former British Prime Minister David Cameron. With US President Donald Trump safely out of office, both Cameron and Harper — clearly tapped to represent pre-2016 Toryism — exhorted the faithful to repent of nationalist populism, and turn to a conservatism more confirmable with global collaboration.
Some might argue retirement has changed Harper. But looking back at his government, the policy choices made weren’t boldly conservative: micro-targeted tax credits don’t fix our torturous tax code; scrapping the long gun registry didn’t stop nonsensical model and class bans — some of which happened under Harper — and the minor austerity that closed lighthouses and veterans affairs offices saved nothing compared to the colossal expenses of the CBC and equalization.
Our former Right Honorable needed to use those omnibus bills to radically alter Canadian government. He needed to stack the Senate instead of letting the seats go empty to be filled by his enemies later, and he needed to articulate a vision for his movement as well as the country. “Strong, stable, national, Conservative majority government,” looks great on a whiteboard, but it doesn’t mean anything in the real world and its means even less once a party inevitably losses power.
Let us turn now to our most prominent Conservatives leaders: premiers Kenney, Pallister, and Ford. Certainly, the COVID-19 pandemic is throwing them through an unexpected loop, but outside that, what about their leadership inspires? Did voting for Kenney get Ottawa to listen, or Ford to bring common sense back to the largest provincial government, or Pallister to reform school taxes on rural and agricultural land?
Premier Ford bringing Toronto to heel appeased his base and sent a clear message to urban latte liberals that no “creature of the province” was beyond being taken down a peg. Premier Pallister did fulfill his less-than-intelligent promise to lower the provincial sales tax, while keeping most distributive taxes high. Premier Kenney’s tough rhetoric victory in Alberta inspired all of us in the West in a moment of triumph, only to see most of the NDP’s policies continue with little harassment.
But in policy terms the only thing that Tories seem to know is austerity, which riles up front line civil servants, teachers, or nurses and kills voter support while making useless management teams bigger and richer. Friends and staff of the premiers always receive lucrative, noncompetitive contracts. And in the end, they normally fail to be tough enough to reduce the size of the government payroll in any meaningful way.
On COVID-19, “Conservative” governments have been the harshest, striping away liberties more often than their NDP or Liberal counterparts.
Danny Williams took down the Maple Leaf in Newfoundland to make a point, and Christie Clark played both the “pro-development” as well as “anti-pipeline” camps to gain concessions from Ottawa. Contrast this to our most “conservative” provinces; their citizens have no more liberties than anywhere else, their governments are no more efficient, and their leaders are no better at fulfilling the promises they make.
Which brings us back to O’Toole. If his solution to the questions around climate and revenue is to imitate Justin Trudeau with a policy that makes even less sense, why would anyone vote Conservative? Liberals may as well vote for the real thing, and conservatives have nothing to vote for at all.
Canadian conservatism is in dire straights if the most we can do is ape our opposition — and badly to boot.
Nathan Giede is the BC Political Columnist and Host of Mountain Standard Time for the Western Standard
FILDEBRANDT: There’s a lot more to O’Toole’s climate crusade than his carbon tax
“It’s an unforced error of historic proportions, that will likely cost the Conservative Party a historic loss in the next election.”
Without consulting his caucus, party members, or the broader Canadian public, Erin O’Toole committed the Conservative Party of Canada to joining the centre and far-left parties in Parliament in their zeal to save the world from apocalyptic climate change. As of April 15, 2021, there isn’t a single party represented in the House of Commons that opposes a carbon tax.
Doubtless, there are many upset Conservative MPs who had things sprung upon them, but on the record, there isn’t a single MP left in Canada that publicly opposes carbon taxes anymore.
Most of the ink spilt over O’Toole’s big flip-flop focus on his plan for a consumer carbon tax that will begin at $20/mt, and increase to $50/mt (for now), and the fact that he lied about it all, after signing a Canadian Taxpayers Federation written pledge with the promise not to do just that.
Lost beneath the headlines however is a hard-line climate crusade plan that, until recently, would have been considered radical even by Liberal standards. The full Conservative climate plan document should be a terrifying read to those who aren’t prepared to see the oil and gas industry ride into the sunset, those who are concerned about increased government spending, or those who don’t like the government micro-managing their personal choices.
Let’s start with this nugget from O’Toole’s plan.
“This will put a price on carbon for consumers without one penny going to the government.”
This just isn’t true. Just below that nugget are a long string of multi-billion dollar spending promises, including:
- $1 billion for building out electric vehicle manufacturing in Canada.
- $1 billion for deploying hydrogen technology including hydrogen vehicles.
- $3 billion for natural climate solutions focused on management of forest, crop and grazing lands and restoration of grasslands, wetlands and forests.
- $5 billion for carbon capture and storage
- $1 billion for Small Modular Reactors.
O’Toole promised his carbon tax wouldn’t actually cost Canadian taxpayers anything, but that’s an easy $11 billion in budgeted promises, and many more billions in the more ambitious, unbudgeted promises.
Theoretically, O’Toole may not pay for them out of revenues from his proposed carbon tax; he may just decide to pay for it out of general revenues by increasing government borrowing, which he’s promised will continue long into the future. In the absence of any moderately detailed financial plan presented by O’Toole, the only two plausible options are that this will be paid for by the carbon tax, or by borrowing. Neither should please conservative voters much.
As much as O’Toole insists his proposed carbon tax is not a tax — it is — he’s also proposing other bizarre new taxes that he doesn’t make any bones about calling “taxes.” The plan says the Conservatives will “[study] the potential for introducing new taxes on frequent flyers, non-electric luxury vehicles and second homes to deter activities that hurt the environment.”
21st century conservatism boils down to taxing people who like to fly or own a cottage. How O’Toole will determine which “non-electric luxury vehicles” fall under his new carbon tax regime is anybody’s guess. Would my pickup truck count? Would my wife’s SUV?
Doubtless, the luxury SUVs that Ottawa’s political elites are chauffeured around in won’t be any more expensive for their users.
Key to O’Toole’s tenuous claim that his carbon tax is not a carbon tax, is that instead of paying the tax into the government’s coffers, it will instead be paid into a “Personal Low Carbon Savings Account.” ‘PLCSA’ doesn’t have much of a ring, so let’s just call them “O’Toole Petro Points.” O’Toole himself likens his scheme to an “affinity or rewards program” in the document.
This is the single most bogus idea in the entire plan.
At present, provinces that do not have federally-approved carbon tax regimes in place are directly charged the federal government’s carbon tax. Ottawa — after a modest handlers fee — turns around and rebates some of it back to carbon taxpayers. It’s unfair. It’s re-distributive, but it’s at least simple.
O’Toole’s plan, by contrast, would initiate the largest bureaucratic growth in the administration of government since the introduction of the modern welfare state in the 1960s.
No details whatsoever are provided as to how this will be administered, other than a statement that it will be “managed by a consortium of companies as the INTERAC system is.”
That is, Erin O’Toole will appoint a few friendly bankers to to run the massive new bureaucracy, for a modest handlers fee.
The best that we can guess as to how this would be put into practice is Canadians would have to carry a new card in their wallets, to track the purchases O’Toole deems to be deviant behaviour. Using your MasterCard or VISA to pay for gas would likely lead to you paying the new carbon tax, but left ineligible to earn O’Toole Petro Points.
Alternatively, we may need to save receipts for every single hydro-carbon purchase we make and pay an accountant a modest handling to fill our new carbon tax statements every year.
No mention whatsoever is made of the massive indirect cost of carbon taxes, such as the increased prices of groceries or clothing. Or as Stephen Harper put it when he campaigned against Stehpane Dion’s carbon tax in 2008, a “tax on everything” that “will screw everyone.”
Administration of this program would surely breed untold miles of red tape. If administered by bankers as proposed by O’Toole, it won’t come cheap. The army of accountants taking up new residence in downtown Toronto would need to be paid, and it would almost surely come off the top of the carbon taxes that Canadians pay.
O’Toole’s plan includes a raft of other policies that meddle into private consumer choices and provincial jurisdiction, such as a requirement that “30% of light duty vehicles sold to be zero emissions by 2030”.
O’Toole says that, “Canada’s Conservatives will take this plan to the provinces but, unlike the current government, we will work with them, knowing that by doing so we’ll achieve more.”
Crazy thought here, but what if say, Alberta for instance decided it didn’t want to hop onboard their climate craze? O’Toole says he’s a nice guy, and can convince the provinces to all do his bidding. Trudeau said the same thing in his sunny-ways campaign of 2015. As it turns out, not every province will agree to go along with the latest federal program.
On one key front, O’Toole explicitly promises no change whatsoever from the Trudeau carbon tax, keeping the industrial (AKA: oil and gas industry) carbon tax on track to reach an incredible $170/mt. But it’s all good, so long as the tax is administered by O’Toole.
“We aren’t going to change the rules just for the sake of change. Justin Trudeau has already created far too much regulatory uncertainty, driving investment and jobs away.”
Trudeau is bad. O’Toole is good. Policies are the same.
The good news in all of this is none of it will ever happen. If somehow O’Toole managed to find his way into the Prime Minister’s Office, he would have next to no chance of implementing his carbon tax/Petro Points plan.
He would sit down with the bankers, and they would tell him, “That’s nice, but it’s going to cost a fortune if you want us to do it.” The cost would almost certainly be so prohibitive he would toss it back to the federal bureaucracy, at which point it’s now called a tax, even by O’Toole’s muddled vocabulary. In the end, O’Toole would be faced with the only practical pro-carbon tax option: keep Trudeau’s carbon tax in place.
Alternatively, he could admit the entire thing was a terrible mistake, and revert to his promise to repeal the Trudeau carbon tax. But he probably won’t.
It’s an unforced error of historic proportions that will likely cost the Conservative Party a historic loss in the next election.
Derek Fildebrandt is the Publisher of the Western Standard
MORGAN: Nenshi’s legacy leaves little to be celebrated
“Despite a decade in power and having the combined forces of the progressive media celebrating him throughout his tenure, Naheed Nenshi never managed to accomplish much that could be considered a positive legacy.” – Cory Morgan
After roughly a year of playing coy, Calgary Mayor Naheed Nenshi finally announced he will not be running for re-election. I’m sure it was a tough decision for him. If nothing else, Nenshi is a vain man. He did not want to go out looking as if he was running away from his political nemesis, Jeromy Farkas, who is gunning hard for his job. Nenshi also would surely have liked to entrenched a solid legacy of sorts after having served over a decade as Calgary’s mayor.
Nenshi’s fear of potentially losing at the hands of an upstart won out over his desire to try and serve one more term as mayor and leave a lasting positive legacy. As it stands now, there’s little positive of which to speak.
Despite running, and being hailed as, a pro-business candidate for mayor, Nenshi’s term in office was markedly anti-enterprise. Massive year-over-year increases in business taxes led to a business revolt which brought even some of the most progressive of Calgary business owners to the steps of city hall in protest in June of 2019.
Meanwhile, city hall gave a $100 million fund to Calgary Economic Development (CED) and tasked them with using the money to draw new enterprises into the city. While CED has burned through more than $40 million of that money so far, their record of actually drawing new ventures into Calgary has been well short of successful. Calgary has been driving existing businesses into insolvency through tax increases while taking those tax dollars to try and draw in competitors to the remaining businesses.
Nenshi’s disdain for business leaders has gotten him into the legal trouble more than once. Taxpayers were forced to front the legal bill for a period of time while Nenshi was being sued by Calgary home builder Cal Wenzel, after Nenshi called him a “godfather-like figure.”
Nenshi embarrassed the city in a bizarre 2016 recording when he referred to the CEO of Uber as a “dick” and falsely alleged that the city had slipped known sex offenders through the uber screening process for Uber. This almost certainly flowed from Nenshi’s hostility to Uber’s challenge to the taxi monopoly, which has been a strong backer of his
Now Nenshi is now being sued by Calgary businessman Mike Terrigno for defamation. Again, for allegedly insinuating that he is involved with a certain Italian criminal enterprise.
Nenshi took it upon himself to turn Calgary’s downtown into a “world-class center.” The mayor made it no secret he didn’t care for the corporate and Western culture that built Calgary’s core. Millions and millions of tax dollars were poured into the city center, particularly in the East Village where a massive new library and music centre were built along with condo developments that had no parking available. Bike lanes and tracks took up valuable road space while city-controlled parking rates remained some of the highest in North America. The goal was to create a pedestrian hipster’s paradise in downtown Calgary. It was expected that people would come from around the world to walk around and admire Calgary’s hip and artsy, car-less core.
While Nenshi did indeed radically change Calgary’s downtown, few will claim that it was for the better. The atmosphere in Calgary’s core is ghostly as empty office towers stand over parks that have been taken over by addicts and the homeless. High taxes and parking costs drove downtown corporate businesses to outlying developments such as Quarry Park , while businesses on the street level simply went broke for lack of local clientele and accessibility. This trend has been ongoing for years. The pandemic and energy price crash only sped a process that was already underway.
Public art could have been a draw to Calgary’s core, but under Nenshi’s stewardship instead we saw expensive, ugly creations springing up on overpasses and in industrial areas. It became an almost annual tradition for the city to become enraged over some ghastly art project. Nenshi would condemn it and then repeat the cycle with a new eyesore somewhere else. He can’t point to fine art installations as his legacy.
Nor can His Worship be able to point to a unified and productive city council as a legacy of his leadership. While he promoted himself has the great renconciler, we have seen the most vitriolic and dysfunctional city council in living memory under Nenshi’s leadership. Nenshi even hired a psychologist in 2012 to manage a closed-door meeting to try and maintain order among council members.
While Nenshi promised a more transparent government since he became mayor, Calgary’s city council has spent more time hiding behind closed doors for meetings than any major city council in Canada. The meeting room where the council retreats for in-camera meetings has been labeled “the chamber of secrets.” The room has literally been equipped with lazy-boy style recliners so council members can stay comfortable during their extended sessions in hiding.
The Green Line LRT expansion has been in the planning stages for years, and seen its scope cut in half while the price continues to soar. The entire project is now at risk as people question the need to spend billions of dollars to increase transit services to an empty downtown.
Nenshi was outright giddy at the prospect of Calgary hosting the 2026 Olympic games. It was his chance for a lasting legacy. He would be able to cut ribbons for years and hobnob with top athletes from around the world. Tens of millions of dollars were spent in promoting the pursuit of the bid. Mary Moran of Calgary Economic Development was hired to promote the bid to Calgarians. To her credit, then-premier Rachel Notley told Nenshi no provincial money would be dedicated to holding the Olympics unless Calgarians got the chance to vote on the bid in a plebiscite. Calgarians overwhelmingly told Nenshi to put his Olympic dreams away.
More recently, the new arena deal with the Calgary Flames is at risk of falling apart. A hasty agreement for a facility was hammered out behind closed doors where taxpayers would be expected to foot nearly $300 million of the bill for the new arena. Now all work has been paused as the Flames organization has demanded another $70 million from taxpayers along with more land for the project. The cupboard is bare and citizens will be strongly reconsidering just how much they need an arena while we try to recover from the pandemic and the economic devastation wreaked by the lockdowns championed by Nenshi.
Now all that Nenshi can hope for in a legacy is that he hands off the role of mayor to his preferred successor. Jyoti Gondek has proven herself to be a close Nenshi ally during her term on city council, and with her mayoral campaign being managed by Stephen Carter, it’s not hard to see who Nenshi hopes will replace him in next fall’s election. It’s widely speculated Nenshi held back on announcing his intent not to run for re-election as a favor to Gondek. It is a form of running interference as contenders who didn’t want to take on an incumbent mayor stayed out of the field while Gondek worked to establish her campaign.
Despite a decade in power and having the combined forces of the progressive media celebrating him throughout his tenure, Naheed Nenshi never managed to accomplish much that could be considered a positive legacy. Calgarians will have an opportunity to bring in some fresh blood in the mayor’s chair and on council this fall. If they want to see a period of vision, growth and lasting legacies created, they will vote to turn over council.
Cory Morgan is the Alberta Political Columnist for the Western Standard
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